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Psycho- Social Factors in the Implementation of Inf


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SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY AND INFOSEC:

Psycho-Social Factors in the Implementation of Information
Security Policy

M. E. Kabay, Ph.D.

Director of Education, National Computer Security Association
Carlisle, PA

President, JINBU Corporation


INTRODUCTION

Security policies and procedures affect not only what people do but
also how they see themselves, their
colleagues and their world. Despite these psychosocial issues,
security personnel pay little or no attention to
what is known about social psychology. The established principles
of human social behaviour have much to
teach us in our attempts to improve corporate and institutional
information security.

Information security specialists concur that security depends on
people more than on technology. Another
commonplace is that employees are a far greater threat to
information security than outsiders.

It follows from these observations that improving security depends
on changing beliefs, attitudes and
behaviour, both of individuals and of groups. Social psychology
can help us understand how best to work
with human predilections and predispositions to achieve our goals
of improving security:


research on social cognition looks at how people form impressions
about reality (knowing these principles,
we can better teach our colleagues and clients about effective
security); work on attitude formation and
beliefs helps us present information effectively and so convince
employees and others to cooperate in
improving security; scientists studying persuasion and attitude
change have learned how best to change
people's minds about unpopular views such as those of the security
community; studies of factors
enhancing prosocial behaviour provide insights on how to foster an
environment where corporate
information is willingly protected; knowledge of the phenomena
underlying conformity, compliance and
obedience can help us enhance security by encouraging compliance
and by protecting staff against social
pressure to breach security; group psychology research provides
warnings about group pathology and hints
for working better with groups in establishing and maintaining
information security in the face of ingrained
resistance.

The following discussion is based on well-established principles of
social psychology. Any recent
introductory college textbook in this field will provide references
to the research that has led to the
principles which are applied to security policy implementation. In
this paper, references are to Lippa, R A
(1990), Introduction to Social Psychology Wadsworth (Belmont,
CA). ISBN 0-534-11772-4.


SOCIAL COGNITION

Schemas are self-consistent views of reality. They help us pay
attention to what we expect to be important
and to ignore irrelevant data. They also help us organize our
behaviour [Lippa, p. 141]. For example, our
schema for relations at the office includes polite greetings, civil
discussions, written communications, and
businesslike clothes. The schema excludes obscene shrieks, abusive
verbal attacks, spray-painted graffiti
and colleagues dressed in swim suits. It is the schema that lets
people tell what is inappropriate in a given
situation.

Security policies and procedures conflict with most people's
schema. Office workers' schema includes
sharing office supplies ('Lend me your stapler, please?'), trusting
your team members to share information
('Take a look at these figures, Sally'), and letting your papers stay
openly visible when you have to leave
your desk. Unfortunately, sharing user IDs, showing sensitive
information to someone who lacks the
appropriate clearance, and leaving work stations logged on without
protection are gross breaches of a
different schema. Normal politeness dictates that when a colleague
approaches the door we have just
opened, we hold the door open for them; when we see a visitor, we
smile politely (who knows, it may be a
customer). In contrast, access policies require that we refuse to let
even a well-liked colleague piggy-back
their way through an access-card system; security policies insist
that unbadged strangers be challenged or
reported to security personnel. Common sense tells us that when
the Chief Executive Officer of the
company wants something, we do it; yet we try to train computer
room operators to forbid entry to anyone
without documented authorization--including the CEO.

Schemas influence what we perceive [Lippa, p. 143]. For example,
an employee refuses to take vacations,
works late every night, is never late, and is never sick. A model
employee? Perhaps, from one point of view.
From the security point of view, the employee's behaviour is
suspect. There have been cases where such
people have actually been embezzlers unable to leave their
employment: even a day away might result in
discovery. Saint or sinner? Our expectations determine what we
see.

Schemas influence what we remember [Lippa, p. 145]. When
information inconsistent with our
preconceptions is mixed with details that fit our existing schemas,
we selectively retain what fits and discard
what conflicts. When we have been fed a diet of movies and
television shows illustrating the premise that
information is most at risk from brilliant hackers, why should we
remember the truth--that carelessness and
incompetence by authorized users of information systems cause far
more harm than evil intentions and
outsiders ever do.

Before attempting to implement policies and procedures, we should
ensure that we build up a consistent
view of information security among our colleagues. In light of the
complexity of social cognition, our usual
attempts to implement security policies and procedures seem
pathetically inept. A couple of hours of
lectures followed by a video, a yearly ritual of signing a security
policy that seems to have been written by
Martians--these are not methods that will improve security. These
are merely lip service to the idea of
security.

According to research on counter-intuitive information, people's
judgement is influenced by the manner in
which information is presented. For example, even information
contrary to established schemas can be
assimilated if people have enough time to integrate the new
knowledge into their world-views [Lippa, p.
148]. It follows that security policies should be introduced over a
long time, not rushed into place.

Preliminary information may influence people's responses to
information presented later. For example,
merely exposing experimental subjects to a list of words such as
`reckless' or `adventurous' affects their
judgement of risk-taking behaviour in a later test. It follows that
when preparing to increase employee
awareness of security issues, presenting case-studies is likely to
have a beneficial effect on participants'
readiness to examine security requirements.

Pre-existing schemas can be challenged by several counter-
examples, each of which challenges a component
of the schema [Lippa, p. 153]. For example, prejudice about an
ethnic group is more likely to be changed by
contact with several people, each of whom contradicts a different
aspect of the prejudiced schema. It follows
that security awareness programs should include many realistic
examples of security requirements and
breaches. Students in the NCSA's Information Systems Security
Course have commented on the unrealistic
scenario in a training video they are shown; a series of disastrous
security breaches occur in the same
company. Based on the findings of cognitive social psychologists,
the film would be more effective for
training if the incidents were dramatized as occurring in different
companies.

Judgements are easily distorted by the tendency to rely on personal
anecdotes, small samples, easily
available information, and faulty interpretation of statistical
information [Lippa, p. 155-163]. Basically, we
humans are not rational processors of factual information. If
security awareness programs rely strictly on
presentation of factual information about risks and proposed
policies and procedures, they will run up
against our stubborn refusal to act logically. Security program
implementation must engage more than the
rational mind. We must appeal to our colleagues' imagination and
emotion as well. We must inspire a
commitment to security rather than merely describing it.

Perceptions of risks and benefits are profoundly influenced by the
wording in which situations and options
are presented [Lippa, p. 163]. For example, experimental subjects
responded far more positively to reports
of a drug with `50% success' than to the same drug described as
having `50% failure.' It follows that
practitioners should choose their language carefully during security
awareness campaigns. Instead of
focusing on reducing failure rates (breaches of security), we should
emphasize improvements of our success
rate.


BELIEFS AND ATTITUDES

Psychologists distinguish between beliefs and attitudes. `A belief
... refers to cognitive information that
need not have an emotional component....' An attitude refers to `an
evaluation or emotional response....'
[Lippa, p. 238]. Thus a person may believe that copying software
without authorization is a felony while
nonetheless having the attitude that it doesn't matter.

Beliefs can change when contradictory information is presented,
but some research suggests that it can take
up to a week before significant shifts are measurable. Other studies
suggest that when people hold
contradictory beliefs, providing an opportunity to articulate and
evaluate those beliefs may lead to changes
that reduce inconsistency. These findings imply that a new concern
for corporate security must be created by
exploring the current structure of beliefs among employees and
managers. Questionnaires, focus groups, and
interviews may not only help the security practitioner, they may
actually help move the corporate culture in
the right direction.

An attitude, in the classical definition, `is a learned evaluative
response, directed at specific objects, which
is relatively enduring and influences behaviour in a generally
motivating way' [Lippa, p. 221]. The
advertising industry spends over $50B yearly to influence public
attitudes in the hope that these attitudes
will lead to changes in spending habits--that is, in behaviour.

Research on classical conditioning suggests that attitudes can be
learned even because of simple word
association [Lippa, p. 232]. If we wish to move our colleagues
towards a more negative view of computer
criminals, it is important not to portray computer crime using
positive images and words. Movies like
Sneakers may do harm indirectly by associating pleasant, likeable
people with techniques that are used for
industrial espionage. When teaching security courses, we should
avoid praising the criminals we describe in
case studies.

One theory on how attitudes are learned suggests that rewards and
punishments are important motivators.
Studies show that even apparently minor encouragement can
influence attitudes. A supervisor or instructor
should praise any comments that are critical of computer crime or
which support the established security
policies. Employees who dismiss security concerns or flout the
regulations should be challenged on their
attitudes, not ignored.

PERSUASION AND ATTITUDE CHANGE Persuasion--changing
someone's attitudes--has been described
in a terms of communications [Lippa, p. 258]. The four areas of
research include

communicator variables: who is trying to persuade? message
variables: what is being presented? channel
variables: by what means is the attempt taking place? audience
variables: at whom is the persuasion aimed?

Attractiveness, credibility and social status have strong effects
immediately after the speaker or writer has
communicated with the target audience; however, over a period of
weeks to a month, the effects decline until
the predominant issue is message content. We can use this
phenomenon by identifying the senior executives
most likely to succeed in setting a positive tone for subsequent
security training. We should look for
respected, likeable people who understand the issues and sincerely
believe in the policies they are
advocating.

Fear can work to change attitudes only if judiciously applied.
Excessive emphasis on the terrible results of
poor security is likely to backfire, with participants in the
awareness program rejecting the message
altogether. Frightening consequences should be coupled
immediately with effective and achievable security
measures.

Some studies suggest that presenting a balanced argument helps
convince those who initially disagree with a
proposal. Presenting objections to a proposal and offering counter-
arguments is more effective than one-
sided diatribes. The Software Publishers' Association training
video, It's Just Not Worth the Risk, uses this
technique: it shows several members of a company arguing over
copyright infringement and fairly presents
the arguments of software thieves before demolishing them.

Modest repetition of a message can help generate a more positive
response. Thus security awareness
programs which include imaginative posters, mugs, special
newsletters, audio and video tapes and lectures
are more likely to build and sustain support for security than
occasional intense sessions of indoctrination.

The channel through which we communicate has a strong effect on
attitudes and on the importance of
superficial attributes of the communicator. `Face-to-face persuasion
often proves to have more impact than
persuasion through the mass media.... [because they] are more
salient, personal and attention-grabbing, and
thus they often stimulate more thought and commitment to their
persuasive messages' [Lippa, p. 264].
Security training should include more than tapes and books; a
charismatic teacher or leader can help
generate enthusiasm for--or at least reduce resistance to--better
security.

Workers testing cognitive response theory [Lippa, p. 289] have
studied many subtle aspects of persuasion.
For example, experiments have shown that rhetorical questions
(e.g., `Are we to accept invasions of our
computer systems?') are effective when the arguments are solid but
counter-productive when arguments are
weak.

In comparing the central route to persuasion (i.e., consideration of
facts and logical arguments) with the
peripheral (i.e., influences from logically unrelated factors such as
physical attractiveness of a speaker),
researchers find that the central route `leads to more lasting
attitudes and attitude changes....' [Lippa, p.
293].

As mentioned above, questionnaires and interviews may help
cement a favourable change in attitude by
leading to commitment. Once employees have publicly avowed
support for better security, some will begin
to change their perception of themselves. As a teacher of
information security, I find that I now feel much
more strongly about computer crime and security than I did before I
created my courses. We should
encourage specific employees to take on public responsibility for
information security within their work
group. This role should periodically be rotated among the
employees to give everyone the experience of
public commitment to improved security.


PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOUR

Studies of how and why people help other people have lessons for
us as we work to encourage everyone in
our organizations to do the right thing. Why do some people
intervene to stop crimes? Why do others ignore
crimes or watch passively? Latane and Darley (Lippa, p. 493) have
devised a schema that describes the steps
leading to prosocial behaviour:

People have to notice the emergency or the crime before they can
act. Thus security training has to include
information on how to tell that someone may be engaging in
computer crime. The situation has to be
defined as an emergency--something requiring action. Security
training that provides facts about the effects
of computer crime on society and solid information about the need
for security within the organization can
help employees recognize security violations as emergencies. We
must take responsibility for acting. The
bystander effect comes into play at this stage. The larger the
number of people in a group confronted with an
emergency, the slower the average response time. Larger groups
seem to lead `to a diffusion of responsibility
whereby each person felt less personally responsible for dealing
with the emergency' [Lippa, p. 497].
Another possible factor is uncertainty about the social climate;
people fear `appearing foolish or overly
emotional in the eyes of those present.' We can address this
component of the process by providing a
corporate culture which rewards responsible behaviour such as
reporting security violations. Having taken
responsibility for solving a problem, we must decide on action.
Clearly written security policies and
procedures will make it more likely that employees act to improve
security. In contrast, contradictory
policies, poorly-documented procedures, and inconsistent support
from management will interfere with the
decision to act.

Another analysis proposes that people implicitly analyze costs of
helping and of not helping when deciding
whether to act prosocially. The combination of factors most
conducive to prosociality is low cost for helping
and high cost for not helping. Security procedures should make it
easy to act in accordance with security
policy; e.g., there should be a hot-line for reporting security
violations, anonymity should be respected if
desired, and psychological counselling and followup should be
available if people feel upset about their
involvement. Conversely, failing to act responsibly should be a
serious matter; personnel policies should
document clear and meaningful sanctions for failing to act when a
security violation is observed; e.g.,
inclusion of critical remarks in employment reviews and even
dismissal.

One method that does not work to increase prosocial behaviour is
exhortation [Lippa, p. 513]. That is,
merely lecturing people has little or no effect. On the other hand,
the general level of stress and pressure to
focus on narrow tasks can significantly reduce the likelihood that
people will act on their moral and ethical
principles. Security is likely to flourish in an environment that
provides sufficient time and support for
employees to work professionally; offices where everyone responds
to self-defined emergencies all the time
will not likely pay attention to security violations.

Some findings from research confirm common sense. For example,
guilt motivates people to act more
prosocially. This effect works best `when people are forced to
assume responsibility....' Thus enforcing
standards of security using reprimands and sanctions can indeed
increase the likelihood that employees will
subsequently act more cooperatively. In addition, mood affects
susceptibility to prosocial pressures: bad
moods make prosocial behaviour less likely, whereas good moods
increase prosociality. A working
environment in which employees are respected is more conducive to
good security than one which devalues
and abuses them. Even cursory acquaintance with other people
makes it more likely that we will help them;
it thus makes sense for security supervisors to get to know the staff
from whom they need support.
Encouraging social activities in an office (lunch groups, occasional
parties, charitable projects) enhances
interpersonal relationships and can improve the climate for
effective security training.


CONFORMITY, COMPLIANCE AND OBEDIENCE

Turning a group into a community provides a framework in which
social pressures can operate to improve
our organization's information security. People respond to the
opinions of others by (sometimes
unconsciously) shifting their opinion towards the mode. Security
programs must aim to shift the normative
values (the sense of what one should do) towards confidentiality,
integrity and availability of data. As we
have seen in public campaigns aimed at reducing drunk driving, it
is possible to shift the mode. Twenty
years ago, many people believed that driving while intoxicated was
amusing; today a drunk driver is a social
pariah. We must move towards making computer crime as
distasteful as public drunkenness.

The trend towards conformity increases when people within the
group like or admire each other [Lippa, p.
534]. In addition, the social status of an individual within a group
influences that individual's willingness to
conform. High-status people (those liked by most people in the
group) and low-status people (those disliked
by the group) both tend to more autonomous and less compliant
than people liked by some and disliked by
others [Lippa, p. 536]. Therefore the security officers should pay
special attention to those outliers during
instruction programs. Managers should monitor compliance more
closely in both ends of the popularity
range. Contrariwise, if security practises are currently poor and we
want allies in changing the norm, we
should work with the outliers to resist the herd's anti-security bias.

'The norm of reciprocity holds that we should return favours in
social relations' [Lippa, p. 546]. Even a
small, unexpected or unsolicited (and even unwanted) present
increases the likelihood that we will respond
to requests. A security awareness program that includes small gifts
such as a mug labelled `SECURITY IS
EVERYONE'S BUSINESS' or an inexpensive booklet such as the
Information Systems Security Pocket
Guide (available from the NCSA) can help get people involved in
security.

The `foot in the door' technique suggests that we `follow a small
initial request with a much larger second
request' [Lippa, p. 549]. For example, we can personally ask an
employee to set a good example by blanking
their screen and locking their terminal when they leave their desk.
Later, once they have begun their process
of redefinition of themselves ('I am a person who cares about
computer security'), we can ask them for
something more intense, such as participating in security training
for others (e.g., asking each colleague to
blank their screen and lock their terminal).


GROUP BEHAVIOUR

Early studies on the effects of being in groups produced
contradictory behaviour; sometimes people did
better at their tasks when there were other people around and
sometimes they did worse. Eventually, social
psychologist Robert Zajonc [Lippa, p. 572 ff.] realized that `The
presence of others is arousing, and this
arousal facilitates dominant, well-learned habits but inhibits
nondominant, poorly-learned habits.' Thus
when trying to teach employees new habits, it is counter-productive
to put them into large groups.
Individualized learning (e.g., computer-based training, video tapes)
can overcome the inhibitory effect of
groups in the early stages of behavioural change.

Another branch of research in group psychology deals with group
polarization. Groups tend to take more
extreme decisions than individuals in the group would have [Lippa,
p. 584]. In group discussions of the
need for security, polarization can involve deciding to take more
risks--by reducing or ignoring security
concerns--than any individual would have judged reasonable.
Again, one-on-one discussions of the need for
security may be a more effective approach to building a consensus
that supports cost-effective security
provisions than large meetings.

In the extreme, a group can display groupthink, in which a
consensus is reached because of strong desires
for social cohesion [Lippa, p. 586 ff.]. When groupthink prevails,
evidence contrary to the received view is
discounted; opposition is viewed as disloyal; dissenters are
discredited. Especially worrisome for security
professionals, people in the grip of groupthink tend to ignore risks
and contingencies. To prevent such
aberrations, the leader must remain impartial and encourage open
debate. Experts from the outside (e.g.,
respected security consultants) should be invited to address the
group, bringing their own experience to bear
on the group's requirements. After a consensus has been achieved,
the group should meet again and focus on
playing devil's advocate to try to come up with additional
challenges and alternatives.


CONCLUSIONS

By viewing information security as primarily a management issue,
we can benefit from the mass of
knowledge accumulated by social psychologists. We can implement
security policies and procedures more
easily by adapting our training and awareness techniques to
correspond to human patterns of learning and
compliance.


SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS


1.Before attempting to implement policies and procedures, we
should ensure that we build up a consistent
view of information security among our colleagues. 2.Security
policies should be introduced over a long
time, not rushed into place. 3.Presenting case-studies is likely to
have a beneficial effect on participants'
readiness to examine security requirements. 4.Security awareness
programs should include many realistic
examples of security requirements and breaches. 5.We must inspire
a commitment to security rather than
merely describing it. 6.Emphasize improvements rather than
reduction of failure. 7.A new concern for
corporate security must be created by exploring the current
structure of beliefs among employees and
managers. 8.Do not to portray computer crime using positive
images and words. 9.Praise any comments that
are critical of computer crime or which support the established
security policies. 10.Employees who dismiss
security concerns or flout the regulations should be challenged on
their attitudes, not ignored. 11.Identify
the senior executives most likely to succeed in setting a positive
tone for subsequent security training.
12.Frightening consequences should be coupled immediately with
effective and achievable security
measures. 13.Presenting objections to a proposal and offering
counter-arguments is more effective than one-
sided diatribes. 14.Security awareness programs should include
repeated novel reminders of security issues.
15.In addition to tapes and books, rely on a charismatic teacher or
leader to help generate enthusiasm for
better security. 16.Encourage specific employees to take on public
responsibility for information security
within their work group. 17.Rotate the security role periodically.
18.Security training should include
information on how to tell that someone may be engaging in
computer crime. 19.Build a corporate culture
which rewards responsible behaviour such as reporting security
violations. 20.Develop clearly written
security policies and procedures. 21.Security procedures should
make it easy to act in accordance with
security policy. 22.Failing to act in accordance with security
policies and procedures should be a serious
matter. 23.Enforcing standards of security can increase the
likelihood that employees will subsequently act
more cooperatively. 24.A working environment in which employees
are respected is more conducive to good
security than one which devalues and abuses them. 25.Security
supervisors should get to know the staff
from whom they need support. 26.Encourage social activities in the
office. 27.Pay special attention to social
outliers during instruction programs. 28.Monitor compliance more
closely in both ends of the popularity
range. 29.Work with the outliers to resist the herd's anti-security
bias. 30.Include small gifts in your security
awareness program. 31.Start improving security a little at a time
and work up to more intrusive procedures.
32.Before discussing security at a meeting, have one-on-one
discussions with the participants. 33.Remain
impartial and encourage open debate in security meetings. 34.Bring
in experts from the outside when faced
with groupthink. 35.Meet again after a consensus has been build
and play devil's advocate.

Copyright 1993 Jinbu Corp
All rights reserved

------------------------------------------------------------------------

ABOUT THE NCSA

NCSA is the leading membership organization providing
educational materials, training, testing and
consulting services to improve information security, reliability and
ethics.

NCSA currently support over 1600 members from government and
industry. NCSA publishes a newsletter,
conducts public and in-house training and sponsors an annual
security conference. NCSA is also
sponsoring a Medical System Security Symposium in Washington,
DC, November 16-17, 1994. More
information about this symposium can be EMailed upon request.
Our next annual conference will also be
held in Washington, DC, and is scheduled for April 10-11, 1995.
In addition, NCSA is sponsoring the
Second Conference on Information Warfare. This conference is
being held in Montreal January 18-19,
1995. To receive an electronic version of the conference program,
send your request via EMail to
74774.1326@compuserve.com

In addition, NCSA runs an InfoSecurity forum on CompuServe
(GO NCSA). This forum addresses the full
range of info security topics, including PC/LAN security,
encryption, UNIX/InterNet security, viruses,
disaster recovery, audit and much more. Our moderators are among
the leading experts on matters pertaining
to information security. The Forum supports over 7,000 members
and has one of the most active message
bases on CompuServe.

NCSA also publishes a 32 page infosecurity resource catalog which
contains nearly all of the books written
about the subject of information security. It also includes security-
related periodicals, self-audit kits and
tools and training materials such as videos, PC based tutorials and
security posters. The catalog is free and
can be requested via EMail at 74774.1326@compuserve.com. An
electronic version in the form of a
HyperText database is available for download from our forum on
CompuServe (LIB 1/NCSA.ZIP). If you do
not have access to CompuServe, a hardcopy can be mailed to you if
you'll provide your snail-mail address.

NCSA can be reached at:

National Computer Security Association
10 S. Courthouse Ave.
Carlisle, PA 17013

717-258-1816 - Voice
717-243-8642 - Fax

74774.1326@compuserve.com

------------------------------------------------------------------------
 
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