Cradle Robbers: A Study of Infant Abductors
by Larry G. Ankrm and Cynthia J. Lent
Cradle Robbers: A Study of the Infant Abductor
By Larry G. Ankrm, M.S. and Cynthia J. Lent
**FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, September 1995**
Special Agent Ankrom and Mrs. Lent serve in the FBI's National
Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime at the FBI Academy. In
June 1988, a woman dressed in a nurse's uniform entered the
hospital room of a new mother and told her she needed to take her
baby and have him weighed. Sometime later, a nurse's assistant
making her routine rounds realized something was wrong when she
saw that the infant's empty bassinet had been left in the room. Less
than 2 days after the abduction and following coverage by the
media, phone tips led the police to the abductor's home. Although
she had cut the baby's hair, apparently in an effort to disguise him,
she evidently had given him proper care.
This case represents a typical abduction scenario, repeated many
times in jurisdictions throughout the United States. Since 1983, the
FBI's National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC)
and the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children
(NCMEC) have documented 145 infant abductions. Eighty-three
infants have been taken from hospitals; 62 infants have been
abducted from other locations, such as residences, day-care centers,
and shopping centers.
Over 4.2 million births take place at approximately 3,500 birthing
facilities in the United States each year.1 Compared to the number
of annual births over the past 12 years, the number of abductions is,
statistically at least, insignificant. However, the act of stealing a
vulnerable baby rises above statistical significance. An infant
abduction is an extremely emotional crime for parents. In the past
12 years, eight parents have died trying to prevent the thefts of their
babies. Moreover, infant abductions affect the local community and
beyond. They make national news, attracting the attention of the
entire country. As the media publicize every detail, they put
additional pressure on investigators, who may never have
experienced this type of crime. Hospitals that fall victim to child
abductors have liability concerns; an Oklahoma City couple whose
baby was taken filed a $56 million lawsuit against their city
hospital.2
Unfortunately, only limited research on infant abductions exists. In
fact, except for training and awareness initiatives undertaken by the
NCMEC, no other organization has conducted a comprehensive
study of infant abductions.
This article reports the findings of a study of 145 infant abductions.
No reporting requirement or mandated centralized collection of
data currently exists for infant abduction cases, and the FBI's
Uniform Crime Reports do not capture these cases for statistical
purposes. Therefore, in order to gather information for this study,
the NCMEC, the NCAVC, police departments, FBI field agents,
and a hospital security organization gathered data from police
reports, court documents, psychological profiles, and media
accounts. Conceivably, then, additional cases of infant abduction
may have occurred.
SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM
Infant abduction is the taking of a child less than 1 year old by a
nonfamily member. Although the FBI classifies the cases as
kidnappings, infant abductions occur, by definition, for reasons not
typically associated with kidnappings. For the most part, infant
abductions do not appear to be motivated by a desire for money,
sex, revenge, or custody--considered traditional motives in
kidnapping cases.
Since 1987, an average of 14 infants have been abducted annually.
These abductions had no boundaries in terms of location or size of
the hospital, or of race, sex, or socioeconomic background of the
infant.
Infant abductions have occurred in 34 States, the District of
Columbia, and Puerto Rico. California leads the country in the
number of abductions with 23, followed by Texas with 20, New
York with 10, Florida with 8, Maryland with 6, and Ohio with 5.
PROFILE OF THE ABDUCTOR
The data from these cases bring to light certain offender
characteristics. Investigators can use these traits to profile and
apprehend suspects. To help prevent abductions, hospital
administrators should remain alert to persons fitting this profile.
By way of general background, infant abductors usually are
women, accounting for 141 of the 145 cases analyzed. However,
men committed 4 of the 145 crimes. Offenders whose ages were
verified ranged from 14 to 48 years old, with an average age of 28.
Race was determined in 142 cases; 63 offenders were white, 54
were black, and 25 were Hispanic. The typical abductor may not
have a criminal record. If a criminal record does exist, it likely will
consist of nonviolent offenses, such as check fraud or shoplifting.
To gain further insight into infant abductors and the crimes they
commit, members of the FBI's NCAVC interviewed 16 abductors.3
Offenders included whites, blacks, and Hispanics and ranged in age
(at the time of the abduction) from 19 to 42. They had abducted
infants in 10 different States. Nine of the abductors targeted
hospitals directly; five approached the infant's residence, and two
chose other locations. Although none had committed a violent
crime before, four killed the infant's mother before stealing her
baby.
Five of the abductors were single, seven were married, and four
were either separated or divorced. Ten had no children. Though 13
offenders said they were involved in a significant relationship at the
time of the abduction, many described it as "rocky," stressful, and
lacking in communication.
Motivation
Although little research exists on the topic of infant abductor
motivation, the cases outlined here illustrate that the need to
present their partners with a baby often drives the female offender.
Ten of the women interviewed admitted that they had faked
pregnancy. One of these women recalled crying in the parking lot
of a hospital, wondering if she should tell her husband that she was
not pregnant. Though she knew in her heart that she should tell him
the truth, she thought he would leave her if she did. She chose to
remain silent. Later, she followed a mother home and stole her
baby.
Another woman had feigned pregnancy successfully with her
husband before they were married, but her second attempt proved
unsuccessful. Following her conviction for infant abduction, her
husband admitted that he would not have married her had he known
she was not pregnant.
Five other women claimed to have miscarried without telling their
partners, although no evidence existed to confirm their pregnancies.
One said she had miscarried 4 months into her pregnancy, but had
continued living the lie, rationalizing that the stress placed on her
by her husband's desire to have a baby had prompted her to deceive
him.
Thus, as these cases illustrate, the infant abductor frequently
attempts to prevent her husband or boyfriend from deserting her or
tries to win back his affection by claiming pregnancy and, later, the
birth of a child.4 She may view a baby as the only way to salvage
the relationship with her partner.5
According to the NCMEC, sometimes the infant abductor is driven
by a desire to experience vicariously the birth of a child she is
"unable to conceive or carry to term."6 She is desperate to "bask in
the rapture of baby love--to feel adored and needed."7 Just as many
expectant mothers tell others the "good news," the typical infant
abductor truly believes that "...she is about to give birth, and she
fully expects everyone to accept the reality she has attempted to
create."8
Planning
Some abductors spent a great deal of time planning their crimes;
others apparently acted on impulse. Their efforts ranged from a few
hours to over 9 months before the abduction. Eleven of the
abductors interviewed gained weight prior to the abduction. One
gained 61 pounds. Eleven purchased baby goods, and 12 told
others they were pregnant. Then, when it came time to "deliver," the
abductors employed such tactics as surveilling hospi-tals,
monitoring birth announcements in the newspaper, following
mothers home, and posing as hospital employees, babysitters, or
social workers.
One abductor drove over 300 miles to steal an infant from an area
where she had once resided. She also admitted to "checking out the
security" of at least two area hospitals. While her actions appear
premeditated, when asked to explain them, she responded, "I knew I
was going somewhere, but I didn't know where.... It was like I
escaped into this little dream."
In fact, though most women planned events leading up to the
abduction, many seemed to have not prepared for the act itself.
They also could not, or would not, recall the mechanics of how
they had carried out the abduction. One woman, who had entered a
residence and murdered the mother before stealing her baby,
remembered, "I had no plan of action, you know, it just was
whatever happened, happened." This same woman had visited at
least three hospitals, while wearing maternity clothes, prior to
committing her crime.
Following the abduction, 14 of the 16 offenders openly displayed
the stolen infant to others. Six claimed to have given birth in an
area hospital; four, out of town; and two, at home. Only three of the
abductors altered the baby's appearance. According to one
abductor, she cut the baby's hair to make him look younger.
THE SCENE OF THE CRIME
Location
Offenders have chosen two distinct locations from which to abduct
infants. Traditionally, the hospital setting has been the primary
target for infant abductions. Eighty-three of the 145 infants were
taken from within the hospital: 49 from the mother's room, 14 from
the nursery, 13 from pediatric hospital rooms, and 7 from other
hospital locations.
Bolder criminals try locations outside the hospital. Three babies
were stolen from a clinic or doctor's office; two from day-care
centers. One quick-thinking abductor snatched a baby from the
hospital curb. Forty brazen abductors targeted the residence of the
infant or a babysitter.
Time of Day
Even in these emotion-driven crimes, perpetrators show signs of
logic. In the majority of these cases, the abductors chose to act
during normal business hours. One hundred and twenty-one of the
145 cases occurred from Monday through Friday. In the 124 cases
where the time of abduction was recorded, 95 occurred between 8
a.m. and 6 p.m. The reason for this appears to be ease of movement.
That is, in a hospital during normal working hours, abductors could
disguise themselves as employees and slip in and out virtually
undetected. Similarly, at a residence, there would be less likelihood
of confronting a spouse during the workday.
Month
Analyzing the months of the abductions from January 1983 through
December 1994 revealed a marked increase in the number of
abductions beginning in May of each year and continuing through
October. More infant abductions occurred in May (19 total) and
December (20 total) than in any other month. Historically,
November has shown a decline in the number of abductions (a total
of 8). Abductions also occur less frequently from January through
April.
Although a pattern seems to exist here, it simply could be
coincidence. Most of the 16 abductors interviewed had feigned
pregnancy. They had to "deliver" a baby 9 months later, regardless
of the time of year.
Method
Whether they steal babies from a hospital or from another location,
abductors usually gain access through a con or ruse, as did 101 of
the 145 subjects studied. Methods vary but have included posing as
hospital employees, babysitters, or social workers. Some abductors
have asked to use the telephone to get into the victim's home.
While cons help abductors gain access, they do not always make
the abduction itself easier. As a result, abductors have used force
either alone or in combination with a con in 16 cases, leading to the
deaths of seven mothers and one father. Ten of these forcible
abductions occurred in the victim's home. The abductors used guns
in 11 cases.
Abductions away from the hospital pose access difficulties for the
offender and may account for the need to exercise force. In these
cases, the degree of force ranged from threatening or binding the
mother to shooting and stabbing the parents. In one of the most
gruesome cases, the abductor strangled the mother and removed her
unborn child from her womb, performing a crude caesarean section
with car keys. Miraculously, the infant survived. Unfortunately, the
mother did not.
Thankfully, not all cases are this violent. In 25 cases, the abductor
stole the infant without having direct contact with another person at
the moment of abduction.
INVESTIGATIVE STRATEGIES
Successful resolution of any case depends on several factors,
including the efforts of law enforcement. In 135 of the 136 resolved
cases, the amount of time the infants remained missing ranged from
mere hours to just over 300 days. Ninety-three of the babies were
recovered in 2 days or fewer. Overall, law enforcement has a 94-
percent rate of resolution.
One of the primary investigative strategies in infant abduction cases
has been using the media to activate community awareness.
Friends, relatives, and/or neighbors identified the abductor
following media reports in approximately 53 out of 129 cases
where researchers knew how the crime was solved. Anonymous
phone tips resulted in the capture of 20 abductors following media
exposure.
Of the 16 abductors interviewed by researchers, four admitted to
following the media reports, but none altered their plans based on
the coverage. In short, the media played a significant role in
identifying the offenders without impacting their actions.
Accordingly, investigators probably need not fear that publicizing
the case will bring harm to the infant.
TRENDS
Although 1993 and 1994 did not produce a significant decrease in
the number of infant abductions, the number of abductions from
hospitals did decline. For the first time in 10 years, the number of
abductions that occurred away from the hospital outnumbered
hospital abductions. Hardening hospital targets likely will continue
to force potential abductors to look for other options. Because the
use of force increases significantly when outside of the hospital
setting, the future of infant abductions could include an increase in
violent incidents.
CONCLUSION
Infant abductions usually are carried out by women who are not
criminally sophisticated. However, the women demonstrate an
ability to plan the abduction, convincingly play the role of a
hospital employee or other professional, and resort to deadly force
if necessary.
Most of these women are living a lie--before, during, and after the
abduction. Many have faked a pregnancy, which eventually forces
them into a corner. They feel they have no choice but to produce a
child by any means necessary. Indeed, infant abductions are the
desperate acts of desperate women. As one infant abductor put it, "I
began getting really desperate trying to figure out what I was gonna
do--how I was gonna find someone to give me their baby--now."
None of the recovered infants has been injured, but seven mothers
and one father have died trying to prevent abductions. The status of
nine missing infants remains uncertain. By continuing to track and
study infant abduction cases, law enforcement can profile suspects
and identify trends in order to decrease the occurrence of these
horrible crimes.
Endnotes
1 J.B. Rabun, For Healthcare Professionals: Guidelines on
Preventing Infant Abductions, Arlington, VA: National Center for
Missing and Exploited Children, June 1993.
2 T. Farley, "Parents Sue City Hospital for $56 Million," The Daily
Oklahoman, March 8, 1991, 9.
3 These interviews were conducted with funds provided by Interagency Agreement #91-MC-004, issued through the cooperation of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
4 P. Beachy and J. Deacon, "Preventing Neonatal Kidnapping,"
Journal of GN, 21, 1, 1991, 12-16.
5 Supra note 1, 3.
6 Ibid.
7 R. Grant, "The New Babysnatchers," Redbook, May 1990, 153.
8 Ibid, 152.
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